D'une philosophie à l'autre : Les sciences sociales et la by Bruno Karsenti

By Bruno Karsenti

À l’origine, avec Socrate, l. a. philosophie est une forme singulière de discours par lequel, selon Max Weber, on 'coince quelqu’un dans un étau logique'. Acte politique de résistance à un definite dévoiement de los angeles parole publique et politique, le discussion philosophique exige de ses interlocuteurs non plus qu’ils se conforment à un style de vérité vulnerable d’exposition doctrinale, mais qu’ils entrent dans sa recherche commune – que los angeles vie commune se reconfigure à travers ce variety d’expérience dont los angeles philosophie dégage le socle.
Or, l. a. scenario swap du tout au tout avec l’émergence au XIXe siècle des sciences sociales qui font leur miel, à l’âge démocratique, de los angeles connaissance relative au gouvernement des hommes, aux groupements qu’ils forment, aux liens qui les rassemblent, aux régimes de pensée et d’action qu’on peut y rattacher. Auguste Comte appelle à passer de los angeles philosophie métaphysique à une autre, optimistic, dont l. a. seule fonction, ancillaire et résiduelle, est d’aider à los angeles explanation et à l’articulation méthodologiques des travaux scientifiques.
Assurément, à l. a. manière de l. a. Grèce ancienne, les sciences sociales ont imposé un nouvel 'étau logique' au discours public, opposé leur résistance mentale et normative à une conjonction délétère entre parole et pouvoir politique, et, en définitive, modifié l. a. notion que les individus ont de leur life dans leur scenario sociale et politique en même temps qu’elles inventent des manières d’agir sur cette scenario même. L’enfermement des disciplines institutionnalisées dans leur champ respectif acheva de les convaincre que l. a. philosophie était seconde par rapport à leur rationalité propre.
C’est justement à l’articulation de ces disciplines et goals, démontre Bruno Karsenti, que los angeles philosophie doit se déployer : si le discours des sciences sociales est bel et bien requis par le développement des sociétés modernes en ce qu’elles sont vraiment démocratiques, los angeles philosophie se doit, elle, d’interroger cette exigence par-delà toute contrainte imposée par l. a. department en disciplines particulières.

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Additional resources for D'une philosophie à l'autre : Les sciences sociales et la politique des modernes

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14 Fanaticism a key part. ' 35 Indeed, we could regard fanaticism as a kind of cipher for the seemingly intractable problem, thrown up by the practices of imperial occupation and colonial exploitation, of governing subject peoples who could draw on a reservoir of religious virtue and oppositionalism against the forces of a secular modernity that they could only enjoy, at best, in a derivative or subordinate manner. The duplicitous universalism of imperial occupation was confronted with another brand of universalism, one of a theological and antagonistic kind, in which death and sacrifice played a signal role.

Olson notes the profound political ambiguities of these fanatical identifications, which span Brown's 'black orientation' (to cite Quarles) and Paul Hill's apocalyptic solidarity with the unborn. In both instances, the ontological character of conflict and oppression mean, according to Olson, that any violent act is experienced as a form of self-defence. Fanaticism 12 men are created free and equal, and that the cost ofliberty is less than the price of repression. 29 But the plea for fanaticism as unconditional universalism that we can hear in these lines, and which pervaded the thinking of 'immediatist' anti-slavery militants, remains, for all of its instructive and inspirational value, isolated.

10 Fanaticism some of our core presumptions about the political. Where deliberation· and consensus, or at the very least agonism and compromise, seem to demand that principles test themselves against practicability and rival opinion, the 'immediatists' in the abolitionist camp rejected the very possibility of anything short of unconditional emancipation and total equality. This did not mean mere intolerance, or a refusal of dialogue, nor did it necessarily involve, as the stereotype goes, the theological demonization of pro-slavery advocates or slaveholders (they were, for instance, allowed at abolitionist meetings).

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