Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas by Shannon Speed, R. Aida Hernandez Castillo, Lynn M. Stephen

By Shannon Speed, R. Aida Hernandez Castillo, Lynn M. Stephen

Yielding pivotal new views at the indigenous ladies of Mexico, "Dissident ladies: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas" provides a various choice of voices exploring the human rights and gender matters that received foreign consciousness after the 1st public visual appeal of the Zapatista nationwide Liberation military (EZLN) in 1994. Drawing from reports on issues starting from the way of life of Zapatista ladies to the impression of transnational indigenous girls in tipping geopolitical scales, the individuals discover either the private and worldwide implications of indigenous women's activism. The Zapatista stream and the Women's innovative legislations, a constitution that got here to have super symbolic value for hundreds of thousands of indigenous girls, created the potential of renegotiating gender roles in Zapatista groups. Drawing at the unique study of students with long term box event in a number of Mayan groups in Chiapas and that includes numerous key files written by means of indigenous girls articulating their imaginative and prescient, "Dissident ladies" brings clean perception to the progressive crossroads at which Chiapas stands - and to the global implications of this monetary and political microcosm.

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Extra resources for Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas (Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture Series)

Sample text

Among the key arenas through which citizenship is being redefined in Mexico are movements for indigenous autonomy and self-determination. The national indigenous autonomy movement has been centered in two national networks, the National Assembly for Autonomy (ANIPA) and the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) (see Gutiérrez and Palomo 1999; Hernández Castillo 1997). The ANIPA and the CNI, unfortunately, have emerged as competing national spaces for indigenous rights. The ANIPA grew out of non-EZLN autonomous municipalities in Chiapas—pluriethnic autonomous regions (RAPs)—based on a model developed by Tojola’bal and other ethnic groups related to that of the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua (Burguete Cal y Mayor 2003; Gómez Nuñez 2000; Díaz Polanco 1991; Mattiace 1998).

We want to put a stop to so much exploitation. In some places women are respected; they get land, and when the community has to pitch in to cover costs or help someone who is ill, everyone gives. But it is not so everywhere. In some places daughters don’t get anything; only male children inherit land. The problem here is that if the authorities say that women can’t own land, Article 4 will allow this. And if we are widowed or have many children, we won’t have any land of our own. The custom regarding land needs to be changed, so that it is the same for men and women.

One where difference is not a reason for death, jail, persecution, mockery, humiliation, racism. One where, always, formed by differences, ours is a sovereign and independent nation. And not a colony where looting, unfairness, and shame abound. One where, in the defining moments of our history, all of us rise above the differences to what we have in common, that is, being Mexican. This is one of those historic moments. In this Congress the federal Executive does not govern, nor do the Zapatistas.

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