Diritto commerciale by Campobasso

By Campobasso

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An increasing personal-tax burden has thus been placed on the voter with around average earnings. This development has important implications for the question of who gains and who loses from economic policy decisions, and hence for voting behaviour. It is suggested that there has been a long-run structural shift in the matrix of potential gainers and losers on which the Conservatives were able to capitalise in their 1979 election campaign. If one has a pyramid-like income distribution in which the less well-off section of the population is in a majority 'taxes do not weigh upon those who levy them, or ...

125). Alt and Chrystal are not arguing that there have never been electorally motivated interventions, but that their impact is relatively minor compared with other influences on the economy. Whiteley argues that 'governments do not appear to react to changes in their political standing as measured by the polls in any clearly predictable way' (Whiteley, 1986b, p. 82). There are many other contextual forces influencing government policy responses, and 'a strong case can be made for the proposition that changing fashions in economic theory probably have more influence on outcomes than any political factors' (Whiteley, 1986b, p.

5 per cent against 2 per cent in the whole electorate). Crewe notes that 'compared with 1987 the unemployed contained many more white-collar workers, many of whom are loyal Conservative voters' (Crewe, 1992, p. 5). In an electoral landscape in which the outcome is determined by what happens in a relatively small number of marginal seats, the impact of unemployment on election outcomes is usually relatively limited. Whereas the unemployed are a minority of the population, the overwhelming majority of those in work pay taxes.

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