Démocratie et relativisme : Entretiens avec le MAUSS by Cornelius Castoriadis

By Cornelius Castoriadis

Démocratie et relativisme constitue le témoignage écrit d’un débat public qui se tint en 1994 : les rédacteurs de l. a. Revue du MAUSS [Mouvement anti-utilitariste dans les sciences sociales], notamment Alain Caillé, Serge Latouche et Jacques Dewitte, avaient souhaité débattre avec le philosophe dissident de Socialisme ou barbarie, auteur de los angeles série Les Carrefours du labyrinthe.

En ces années qui suivent los angeles fin de l’URSS et « de l’Histoire », les sujets ne manquent pas : Quelle notion de los angeles démocratie ? Qu’est-ce que l’Occident ? Pourquoi los angeles résurgence des intégrismes religieux ? Qu’est-ce que l’universalisme ? Qu’est-ce que le marché ? Quelle est cette forme que prend le capitalisme ? Quels sont les paradoxes du relativisme culturel ?

En posant ces questions qui balisent aujourd’hui encore le champ intellectuel français, Cornelius Castoriadis enregistrait et décrivait l’effondrement que connaît l’Occident. Avec los angeles vivacité et los angeles grande clarté de son esprit, il diagnostiquait tous les maux qui se sont aujourd’hui aggravés.

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52 In making such changes, Nawaz Sharif cordoned himself off from the machinations of the powerful bureaucratic–military establishment and also consolidated his own powerbase. Assuming an unassailable position in the political system of Pakistan and emerging as the most powerful Prime Minister in the country after 1977, Nawaz Sharif ’s overtures in going ahead with nuclear tests in Balochistan in May 1998 in the wake of Indian nuclear explosions strengthened the institutional linkage between the government and the state.

The rhetoric of Islamic socialism was now replaced with the rhetoric of Islam and the shariah. Zia proposed to Islamise Pakistan’s politics and society and thereby move it closer to what he believed were the ideals for which the Pakistani state had been formed in the first place. 29 One of the first acts adopted as part of the drive for Islamisation was Martial Law Order No. 31 In addition to Islamisation, Zia had promised elections within ninety days of his assuming power in July 1977. However, the promised elections were never held and instead Zia embarked on civilianising his military rule.

The next section then details the political context in which both the state and government have been predominant actors. The purpose of this section is to bring into focus the functions of government as an independent and autonomous institution, if not the most powerful one, and its strained and conflictual relationship with the state in post-1971 Pakistan. The last section outlines peculiar features of ethnopolitics in post-1971 Pakistan and a critical analysis of the works of Mehtab Ali Shah, Adeel Khan, Tahir Amin and Iftikhar Malik.

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