By Cornelius Castoriadis
Démocratie et relativisme constitue le témoignage écrit d’un débat public qui se tint en 1994 : les rédacteurs de l. a. Revue du MAUSS [Mouvement anti-utilitariste dans les sciences sociales], notamment Alain Caillé, Serge Latouche et Jacques Dewitte, avaient souhaité débattre avec le philosophe dissident de Socialisme ou barbarie, auteur de los angeles série Les Carrefours du labyrinthe.
En ces années qui suivent los angeles fin de l’URSS et « de l’Histoire », les sujets ne manquent pas : Quelle notion de los angeles démocratie ? Qu’est-ce que l’Occident ? Pourquoi los angeles résurgence des intégrismes religieux ? Qu’est-ce que l’universalisme ? Qu’est-ce que le marché ? Quelle est cette forme que prend le capitalisme ? Quels sont les paradoxes du relativisme culturel ?
En posant ces questions qui balisent aujourd’hui encore le champ intellectuel français, Cornelius Castoriadis enregistrait et décrivait l’effondrement que connaît l’Occident. Avec los angeles vivacité et los angeles grande clarté de son esprit, il diagnostiquait tous les maux qui se sont aujourd’hui aggravés.
Read or Download Démocratie et relativisme : Entretiens avec le MAUSS PDF
Similar politics books
North Korea keeps to make headlines, arousing interest and worry in equivalent degree. The world's so much secretive nuclear energy, it nonetheless has Gulag-style legal camps, permits no entry to the net and bans its humans from speaking to foreigners with no reputable approval.
In this extraordinary and eye-opening booklet, across the world best-selling writer Paul French examines in forensic element the historical past and politics of North Korea, Pyongyang's complicated family with South Korea, Japan, China and the US, and the consequences of Kim Jong-un's more and more belligerent management following the loss of life of his father, Kim Jong-il. As an already risky North Korea grows ever extra unpredictable, antagonizing enemies and allies alike, North Korea: country of Paranoia can provide a provocative and scary account of a possibly explosive nuclear tripwire.
"Paul French writes with wit, eloquence and infrequent readability in regards to the advanced heritage of North Korea. " - Barbara Demick, writer of not anything to Envy: actual Lives in North Korea
"North Korea's skill to fret and surprise is still possibly the one predictable point of the country's behaviour. Paul French's no-nonsense method of realizing the country's historical past, political procedure, ideology and what continues to be of its decimated economic system is likely one of the most sensible introductions to a rustic that does all it could to withstand open air inspection and comprehension. this can be the main obtainable place to begin for an individual desirous to comprehend the hermit nation. " - Kerry Brown, Professor and Director, China reviews Centre, college of Sydney, Australia
The worldwide fiscal drawback has uncovered the bounds of neoliberalism and dramatically deepened social polarization. but, regardless of expanding social resistance and competition, neoliberalism prevails globally.
Radical possible choices, furthermore, are just hardly ever debated. And in the event that they are, such possible choices are lowered to new Keynesian and new developmental agendas, which fail to deal with present category divisions and imperialist family members of domination.
This choice of essays polarizes the talk among radical and reformist choices via exploring head-on the opposed constitution of capitalist improvement. The members floor their proposals in a global, non-Eurocentric and Marxian encouraged research of capitalism and its crises. From Latin the US to Asia, Africa to the center East and Europe to the united states, social and labour events have emerged because the protagonists in the back of growing alternatives.
This book’s new iteration of students has written available but theoretically educated and empirically wealthy chapters elaborating radical around the world innovations for relocating past neoliberalism, and past capitalism. The reason is to impress severe mirrored image and optimistic motion in the direction of considerable swap.
The prestige of Islam in Western societies continues to be deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on either the correct and left, criminal Integration of Islam deals an empirically trained research of ways 4 liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have answered to the problem of integrating Islam and Muslim populations.
- Still Counting the Dead: Survivor's of Sri Lanka's Hidden War
- What the New Breed of CMOs Know That You Don't
- Heidegger and the Myth of a Jewish World Conspiracy (3rd Edition Extended)
- The New Road to Serfdom: A Letter of Warning to America
Additional info for Démocratie et relativisme : Entretiens avec le MAUSS
52 In making such changes, Nawaz Sharif cordoned himself oﬀ from the machinations of the powerful bureaucratic–military establishment and also consolidated his own powerbase. Assuming an unassailable position in the political system of Pakistan and emerging as the most powerful Prime Minister in the country after 1977, Nawaz Sharif ’s overtures in going ahead with nuclear tests in Balochistan in May 1998 in the wake of Indian nuclear explosions strengthened the institutional linkage between the government and the state.
The rhetoric of Islamic socialism was now replaced with the rhetoric of Islam and the shariah. Zia proposed to Islamise Pakistan’s politics and society and thereby move it closer to what he believed were the ideals for which the Pakistani state had been formed in the ﬁrst place. 29 One of the ﬁrst acts adopted as part of the drive for Islamisation was Martial Law Order No. 31 In addition to Islamisation, Zia had promised elections within ninety days of his assuming power in July 1977. However, the promised elections were never held and instead Zia embarked on civilianising his military rule.
The next section then details the political context in which both the state and government have been predominant actors. The purpose of this section is to bring into focus the functions of government as an independent and autonomous institution, if not the most powerful one, and its strained and conﬂictual relationship with the state in post-1971 Pakistan. The last section outlines peculiar features of ethnopolitics in post-1971 Pakistan and a critical analysis of the works of Mehtab Ali Shah, Adeel Khan, Tahir Amin and Iftikhar Malik.